Which of the following developments could be best used as evidence to support Stevens claim about African American suffrage in the last paragraph of the excerpt?

"With regard to the northwestern States, to which the ordinance of 1787 was applied—Ohio, Indiana, Illinois, and Michigan—no one now believes that any one of those States, if they thought proper to do it, has not just as much a right to introduce slavery within her borders as Virginia has a right to maintain the existence of slavery within hers.
"Then, if in this struggle of power and empire between the two classes of states a decision of California has taken place adverse to the wishes of the southern States, it is a decision not made by the General [federal] Government; it is a decision respecting which they cannot complain to the General Government. It is a decision made by California herself, and which California had incontestably a right to make under the Constitution of the United States. . . . The question of slavery, either of its introduction or interdiction, is silent as respects the action of this [federal] Government; and if it has been decided, it has been by a different body—by a different power—by California herself, who had a right to make that decision."
Senator Henry Clay, speech in the United States Senate, 1850
The excerpt best reflects which of the following historical situations?

"With regard to the northwestern States, to which the ordinance of 1787 was applied—Ohio, Indiana, Illinois, and Michigan—no one now believes that any one of those States, if they thought proper to do it, has not just as much a right to introduce slavery within her borders as Virginia has a right to maintain the existence of slavery within hers.
"Then, if in this struggle of power and empire between the two classes of states a decision of California has taken place adverse to the wishes of the southern States, it is a decision not made by the General [federal] Government; it is a decision respecting which they cannot complain to the General Government. It is a decision made by California herself, and which California had incontestably a right to make under the Constitution of the United States. . . . The question of slavery, either of its introduction or interdiction, is silent as respects the action of this [federal] Government; and if it has been decided, it has been by a different body—by a different power—by California herself, who had a right to make that decision."
Senator Henry Clay, speech in the United States Senate, 1850
The position expressed by Clay in the excerpt best serves as evidence of which of the following?

"With regard to the northwestern States, to which the ordinance of 1787 was applied—Ohio, Indiana, Illinois, and Michigan—no one now believes that any one of those States, if they thought proper to do it, has not just as much a right to introduce slavery within her borders as Virginia has a right to maintain the existence of slavery within hers.
"Then, if in this struggle of power and empire between the two classes of states a decision of California has taken place adverse to the wishes of the southern States, it is a decision not made by the General [federal] Government; it is a decision respecting which they cannot complain to the General Government. It is a decision made by California herself, and which California had incontestably a right to make under the Constitution of the United States. . . . The question of slavery, either of its introduction or interdiction, is silent as respects the action of this [federal] Government; and if it has been decided, it has been by a different body—by a different power—by California herself, who had a right to make that decision."
Senator Henry Clay, speech in the United States Senate, 1850
Evidence in the excerpt best corroborates which of the following broader historical contexts?

"Since the surrender of the armies of the confederate States of America a little has been done toward establishing the Government upon true principles of liberty and justice; and but a little if we stop here. We have broken the material shackles of four million slaves. We have unchained them, from the stake so as to allow them locomotion, provided they do not walk in paths which are trod by white men. . . . But in what have we enlarged their liberty of thought? In what [ways] have we taught them the science and granted them the privilege of self-government? . . .
"Unless the rebel states, before admission, should be made republican in spirit, and placed under the guardianship of loyal men, all our blood and treasure will have been spent in vain. . . . There is more reason why [African American] voters should be admitted in the rebel states. . . . In the states they form the great mass of the loyal men. Possibly with their aid loyal governments may be established in most of those states. Without it all are sure to be ruled by traitors; and loyal men, black and white, will be oppressed, exiled, or murdered.
"I believe, on my conscience, that on the continued ascendency of [the Republican] party depends the safety of this great nation. [If there is not African American suffrage] in the rebel states then every one of them is sure to send a solid rebel representative . . . to Congress, and cast a solid rebel electoral vote. . . . I am for Negro suffrage in every rebel state. . . . every man, no matter what his race or color; every earthly being who has an immortal soul, has an equal right to justice, honesty, and fair play with every other man; and the law should secure him those rights."
Thaddeus Stevens, member of Congress, speech to the House of Representatives, 1867
Which of the following pieces of evidence could best be used to refute Stevens' claim in the excerpt that the Union had done little for formerly enslaved people by 1867?

"Since the surrender of the armies of the confederate States of America a little has been done toward establishing the Government upon true principles of liberty and justice; and but a little if we stop here. We have broken the material shackles of four million slaves. We have unchained them, from the stake so as to allow them locomotion, provided they do not walk in paths which are trod by white men. . . . But in what have we enlarged their liberty of thought? In what [ways] have we taught them the science and granted them the privilege of self-government? . . .
"Unless the rebel states, before admission, should be made republican in spirit, and placed under the guardianship of loyal men, all our blood and treasure will have been spent in vain. . . . There is more reason why [African American] voters should be admitted in the rebel states. . . . In the states they form the great mass of the loyal men. Possibly with their aid loyal governments may be established in most of those states. Without it all are sure to be ruled by traitors; and loyal men, black and white, will be oppressed, exiled, or murdered.
"I believe, on my conscience, that on the continued ascendency of [the Republican] party depends the safety of this great nation. [If there is not African American suffrage] in the rebel states then every one of them is sure to send a solid rebel representative . . . to Congress, and cast a solid rebel electoral vote. . . . I am for Negro suffrage in every rebel state. . . . every man, no matter what his race or color; every earthly being who has an immortal soul, has an equal right to justice, honesty, and fair play with every other man; and the law should secure him those rights."
Thaddeus Stevens, member of Congress, speech to the House of Representatives, 1867
Which of the following developments could best be used as evidence to support Stevens' claim about African American suffrage in the last paragraph of the excerpt?

"I am filled with deep emotion at finding myself standing here in the place . . . from which sprang the institutions under which we live. . . . I have never had a feeling politically that did not spring from the sentiments embodied in the Declaration of Independence. . . . It was not the mere matter of the separation of the colonies from the mother land; but something in that Declaration giving liberty, not alone to the people of this country, but hope to the world for all future time. It was that which gave promise that in due time the weights should be lifted from the shoulders of all men. . . .
"Now, my friends, can this country be saved upon that basis? If it can, I will consider myself one of the happiest men in the world if I can help to save it. If it can't be saved upon that principle, it will be truly awful.
"Now, in my view of the present aspect of affairs, there need be no bloodshed and war. . . . And I may say in advance, there will be no blood shed unless it be forced upon the Government. . . .
"My friends, this is a wholly unprepared speech. I did not expect to be called upon to say a word when I came here. . . . I may, therefore, have said something indiscreet, but I have said nothing but what I am willing to live by, and, in the pleasure of Almighty God, die by."
President-elect Abraham Lincoln, speaking at Independence Hall in Philadelphia, February 22, 1861
The excerpt best serves as evidence for which of the following developments?

"I am filled with deep emotion at finding myself standing here in the place . . . from which sprang the institutions under which we live. . . . I have never had a feeling politically that did not spring from the sentiments embodied in the Declaration of Independence. . . . It was not the mere matter of the separation of the colonies from the mother land; but something in that Declaration giving liberty, not alone to the people of this country, but hope to the world for all future time. It was that which gave promise that in due time the weights should be lifted from the shoulders of all men. . . .
"Now, my friends, can this country be saved upon that basis? If it can, I will consider myself one of the happiest men in the world if I can help to save it. If it can't be saved upon that principle, it will be truly awful.
"Now, in my view of the present aspect of affairs, there need be no bloodshed and war. . . . And I may say in advance, there will be no blood shed unless it be forced upon the Government. . . .
"My friends, this is a wholly unprepared speech. I did not expect to be called upon to say a word when I came here. . . . I may, therefore, have said something indiscreet, but I have said nothing but what I am willing to live by, and, in the pleasure of Almighty God, die by."
President-elect Abraham Lincoln, speaking at Independence Hall in Philadelphia, February 22, 1861
The excerpt most likely reflects which of the following historical situations?

"I am filled with deep emotion at finding myself standing here in the place . . . from which sprang the institutions under which we live. . . . I have never had a feeling politically that did not spring from the sentiments embodied in the Declaration of Independence. . . . It was not the mere matter of the separation of the colonies from the mother land; but something in that Declaration giving liberty, not alone to the people of this country, but hope to the world for all future time. It was that which gave promise that in due time the weights should be lifted from the shoulders of all men. . . .
"Now, my friends, can this country be saved upon that basis? If it can, I will consider myself one of the happiest men in the world if I can help to save it. If it can't be saved upon that principle, it will be truly awful.
"Now, in my view of the present aspect of affairs, there need be no bloodshed and war. . . . And I may say in advance, there will be no blood shed unless it be forced upon the Government. . . .
"My friends, this is a wholly unprepared speech. I did not expect to be called upon to say a word when I came here. . . . I may, therefore, have said something indiscreet, but I have said nothing but what I am willing to live by, and, in the pleasure of Almighty God, die by."
President-elect Abraham Lincoln, speaking at Independence Hall in Philadelphia, February 22, 1861
Evidence in the excerpt best corroborates which of the following?

"The American Republicans of the city and county of Philadelphia, who are determined to support the NATIVE [White, Protestant] AMERICANS in their Constitutional Rights of peaceably assembling to express their opinions on any question of Public Policy, and to SUSTAIN THEM AGAINST THE ASSAULTS OF ALIENS AND FOREIGNERS are requested to assemble on MONDAY AFTERNOON, May 6th, 1844 at 4 o'clock, at the corner of Master and Second street, Kensington [a section of Philadelphia], to express their indignation [anger] at the outrage on Friday evening last, which was perpetrated by the Irish Catholics."
Text from a poster announcing a meeting of the American Republican Party, later renamed the American Party, Philadelphia, 1844
Historians could best use the excerpt as an example of which of the following?

"The American Republicans of the city and county of Philadelphia, who are determined to support the NATIVE [White, Protestant] AMERICANS in their Constitutional Rights of peaceably assembling to express their opinions on any question of Public Policy, and to SUSTAIN THEM AGAINST THE ASSAULTS OF ALIENS AND FOREIGNERS are requested to assemble on MONDAY AFTERNOON, May 6th, 1844 at 4 o'clock, at the corner of Master and Second street, Kensington [a section of Philadelphia], to express their indignation [anger] at the outrage on Friday evening last, which was perpetrated by the Irish Catholics."
Text from a poster announcing a meeting of the American Republican Party, later renamed the American Party, Philadelphia, 1844
Which of the following historical situations can best be used to explain how the excerpt would have been interpreted at the time?

"The American Republicans of the city and county of Philadelphia, who are determined to support the NATIVE [White, Protestant] AMERICANS in their Constitutional Rights of peaceably assembling to express their opinions on any question of Public Policy, and to SUSTAIN THEM AGAINST THE ASSAULTS OF ALIENS AND FOREIGNERS are requested to assemble on MONDAY AFTERNOON, May 6th, 1844 at 4 o'clock, at the corner of Master and Second street, Kensington [a section of Philadelphia], to express their indignation [anger] at the outrage on Friday evening last, which was perpetrated by the Irish Catholics."
Text from a poster announcing a meeting of the American Republican Party, later renamed the American Party, Philadelphia, 1844
The language in the excerpt was most likely interpreted as promoting which of the following?

"Your Memorialist . . . represents to your honorable body, that he has devoted much time and attention to the subject of a railroad from Lake Michigan through the Rocky Mountains to the Pacific Ocean, and that he finds such a route practicable, the results from which would be incalculable—far beyond the imagination of man to estimate. . . .
"It would enable us, in the short space of eight days (and perhaps less) to concentrate all the forces of our vast country at any point from Maine to Oregon. . . . Such easy and rapid communication with such facilities for exchanging the different products of the different parts would bring all our immensely wide spread population together. . . .
"[W]ith a railroad to the Pacific, and thence to China by steamers, can be performed in thirty days, being now a distance of nearly seventeen thousand miles. . . Then the drills and sheetings of Connecticut, Rhode Island, and Massachusetts, and other manufactures of the United States, may be transported to China in thirty days; and the teas and rich silks of China, in exchange, come back to New Orleans, to Charleston, to Washington, to Baltimore, to Philadelphia, New York, and to Boston, in thirty days more."
Asa Whitney, merchant, "National Railroad, Connecting the Atlantic and Pacific Ocean," memorial to the Senate and House of Representatives of the United States, 1845
Sentiments of business leaders and politicians like that expressed in the excerpt most likely contributed to which of the following?

"Your Memorialist . . . represents to your honorable body, that he has devoted much time and attention to the subject of a railroad from Lake Michigan through the Rocky Mountains to the Pacific Ocean, and that he finds such a route practicable, the results from which would be incalculable—far beyond the imagination of man to estimate. . . .
"It would enable us, in the short space of eight days (and perhaps less) to concentrate all the forces of our vast country at any point from Maine to Oregon. . . . Such easy and rapid communication with such facilities for exchanging the different products of the different parts would bring all our immensely wide spread population together. . . .
"[W]ith a railroad to the Pacific, and thence to China by steamers, can be performed in thirty days, being now a distance of nearly seventeen thousand miles. . . Then the drills and sheetings of Connecticut, Rhode Island, and Massachusetts, and other manufactures of the United States, may be transported to China in thirty days; and the teas and rich silks of China, in exchange, come back to New Orleans, to Charleston, to Washington, to Baltimore, to Philadelphia, New York, and to Boston, in thirty days more."
Asa Whitney, merchant, "National Railroad, Connecting the Atlantic and Pacific Ocean," memorial to the Senate and House of Representatives of the United States, 1845
The excerpt best reflects which of the following developments?

"Your Memorialist . . . represents to your honorable body, that he has devoted much time and attention to the subject of a railroad from Lake Michigan through the Rocky Mountains to the Pacific Ocean, and that he finds such a route practicable, the results from which would be incalculable—far beyond the imagination of man to estimate. . . .
"It would enable us, in the short space of eight days (and perhaps less) to concentrate all the forces of our vast country at any point from Maine to Oregon. . . . Such easy and rapid communication with such facilities for exchanging the different products of the different parts would bring all our immensely wide spread population together. . . .
"[W]ith a railroad to the Pacific, and thence to China by steamers, can be performed in thirty days, being now a distance of nearly seventeen thousand miles. . . Then the drills and sheetings of Connecticut, Rhode Island, and Massachusetts, and other manufactures of the United States, may be transported to China in thirty days; and the teas and rich silks of China, in exchange, come back to New Orleans, to Charleston, to Washington, to Baltimore, to Philadelphia, New York, and to Boston, in thirty days more."
Asa Whitney, merchant, "National Railroad, Connecting the Atlantic and Pacific Ocean," memorial to the Senate and House of Representatives of the United States, 1845
Which of the following most directly contributed to the request expressed in the excerpt?

"The Vigilance Committee of Boston inform you that the MOCK TRIAL of the poor Fugitive Slave has been further postponed....
Come down, then, Sons of the Puritans: for even if the poor victim is to be carried off by the brute force of arms, and delivered over to Slavery, you should at least be present to witness the sacrifice, and you should follow him in sad procession with your tears and prayers, and then go home and take such action as your manhood and your patriotism may suggest.
Come, then, by the early trains on MONDAY, and rally.... Come with courage and resolution in your hearts; but, this time, with only such arms as God gave you."
Proclamation addressed "To the Yeomanry of New England," Boston, 1854
The issuing of documents such as the proclamation generally had which of the following effects?

"The Vigilance Committee of Boston inform you that the MOCK TRIAL of the poor Fugitive Slave has been further postponed....
Come down, then, Sons of the Puritans: for even if the poor victim is to be carried off by the brute force of arms, and delivered over to Slavery, you should at least be present to witness the sacrifice, and you should follow him in sad procession with your tears and prayers, and then go home and take such action as your manhood and your patriotism may suggest.
Come, then, by the early trains on MONDAY, and rally.... Come with courage and resolution in your hearts; but, this time, with only such arms as God gave you."
Proclamation addressed "To the Yeomanry of New England," Boston, 1854
The proclamation most clearly provides evidence for which of the following?

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