The passage best illustrates which of the following developments of the italian renaissance?

"Ludovico: If it is in any way possible to measure the gravity of human sinfulness, then we should see Eve's sin as worse than Adam's. . . . she suggested and was the cause of Adam's sin—not he of hers.

Isotta: But I see things from quite the opposite view. For where there is less intellect and less dedication, there is less sin; and Eve lacked these qualities and therefore sinned less. Adam must also be judged more guilty then Eve because of his greater contempt for God's command. For in Genesis 2 it appears that the Lord commanded Adam, not Eve.

When God created man, from the beginning he created him perfect, and the powers of his soul perfect, and gave him a greater understanding and knowledge of truth as well as a greater depth of wisdom. . . . Therefore, it appears that Adam's sin was greater than Eve's. . . . Adam either had free will or he did not. If he did not have free will, he did not sin; if he had free will, then you claim Eve forced the sin upon him, which is impossible. . . . Thus, Adam appeared to accuse God rather than excuse himself when he said: 'The woman you placed at my side gave me fruit from the tree and I ate it.'

Let these words be enough from me, an unarmed and poor little woman."
The passage best illustrates which of the following developments of the Italian Renaissance?

"Ludovico: If it is in any way possible to measure the gravity of human sinfulness, then we should see Eve's sin as worse than Adam's. . . . she suggested and was the cause of Adam's sin—not he of hers.

Isotta: But I see things from quite the opposite view. For where there is less intellect and less dedication, there is less sin; and Eve lacked these qualities and therefore sinned less. Adam must also be judged more guilty then Eve because of his greater contempt for God's command. For in Genesis 2 it appears that the Lord commanded Adam, not Eve.

When God created man, from the beginning he created him perfect, and the powers of his soul perfect, and gave him a greater understanding and knowledge of truth as well as a greater depth of wisdom. . . . Therefore, it appears that Adam's sin was greater than Eve's. . . . Adam either had free will or he did not. If he did not have free will, he did not sin; if he had free will, then you claim Eve forced the sin upon him, which is impossible. . . . Thus, Adam appeared to accuse God rather than excuse himself when he said: 'The woman you placed at my side gave me fruit from the tree and I ate it.'

Let these words be enough from me, an unarmed and poor little woman."

Isotta Nogarola, Italian scholar, On the Equal or Unequal Sin of Eve and Adam, text written in the form of a debate between the author and Ludovico Foscarini, a Venetian statesman, Italy, 1451

The discussion of Adam and Eve's actions is best understood in the context of which of the following developments of the Italian Renaissance?

"Ludovico: If it is in any way possible to measure the gravity of human sinfulness, then we should see Eve's sin as worse than Adam's. . . . she suggested and was the cause of Adam's sin—not he of hers.

Isotta: But I see things from quite the opposite view. For where there is less intellect and less dedication, there is less sin; and Eve lacked these qualities and therefore sinned less. Adam must also be judged more guilty then Eve because of his greater contempt for God's command. For in Genesis 2 it appears that the Lord commanded Adam, not Eve.

When God created man, from the beginning he created him perfect, and the powers of his soul perfect, and gave him a greater understanding and knowledge of truth as well as a greater depth of wisdom. . . . Therefore, it appears that Adam's sin was greater than Eve's. . . . Adam either had free will or he did not. If he did not have free will, he did not sin; if he had free will, then you claim Eve forced the sin upon him, which is impossible. . . . Thus, Adam appeared to accuse God rather than excuse himself when he said: 'The woman you placed at my side gave me fruit from the tree and I ate it.'

Let these words be enough from me, an unarmed and poor little woman."

Isotta Nogarola, Italian scholar, On the Equal or Unequal Sin of Eve and Adam, text written in the form of a debate between the author and Ludovico Foscarini, a Venetian statesman, Italy, 1451

Isotta Nogarola's publication of her challenge to Ludovico Foscarini best illustrates which of the following developments of the Italian Renaissance?

"The whole tribe [of clergy] is so universally loathed that even a chance meeting is thought to be ill-omened—and yet they are gloriously self-satisfied. In the first place, they believe it is the highest form of piety to be so uneducated that they can't even read. Then when they bray like donkeys in church, repeating by rote the psalms they haven't understood, they imagine they are charming the ears of their heavenly audience with infinite delight. Many of them too make a good living out of their squalor and beggary, bellowing for bread from door to door, and indeed making a nuisance of themselves in every inn, carriage, or boat, to the great loss of all other beggars. This is the way in which these smooth individuals, in all their filth and ignorance, their boorish and shameless behavior, claim to bring back the apostles into our midst! . . .

As if indeed the deadliest enemies of the Church were not these impious pontiffs [popes] who allow Christ to be forgotten through their silence, fetter him with their mercenary laws, misrepresent him with their forced interpretations of his teaching, and slay him with their noxious way of life!"

Desiderius Erasmus, Dutch scholar, In Praise of Folly, 1509

Erasmus' critique of the clergy were most clearly influenced by which of the following historical developments at the time he wrote In Praise of Folly ?

"The whole tribe [of clergy] is so universally loathed that even a chance meeting is thought to be ill-omened—and yet they are gloriously self-satisfied. In the first place, they believe it is the highest form of piety to be so uneducated that they can't even read. Then when they bray like donkeys in church, repeating by rote the psalms they haven't understood, they imagine they are charming the ears of their heavenly audience with infinite delight. Many of them too make a good living out of their squalor and beggary, bellowing for bread from door to door, and indeed making a nuisance of themselves in every inn, carriage, or boat, to the great loss of all other beggars. This is the way in which these smooth individuals, in all their filth and ignorance, their boorish and shameless behavior, claim to bring back the apostles into our midst! . . .

"The whole tribe [of clergy] is so universally loathed that even a chance meeting is thought to be ill-omened—and yet they are gloriously self-satisfied. In the first place, they believe it is the highest form of piety to be so uneducated that they can't even read. Then when they bray like donkeys in church, repeating by rote the psalms they haven't understood, they imagine they are charming the ears of their heavenly audience with infinite delight. Many of them too make a good living out of their squalor and beggary, bellowing for bread from door to door, and indeed making a nuisance of themselves in every inn, carriage, or boat, to the great loss of all other beggars. This is the way in which these smooth individuals, in all their filth and ignorance, their boorish and shameless behavior, claim to bring back the apostles into our midst! . . .

As if indeed the deadliest enemies of the Church were not these impious pontiffs [popes] who allow Christ to be forgotten through their silence, fetter him with their mercenary laws, misrepresent him with their forced interpretations of his teaching, and slay him with their noxious way of life!"

Desiderius Erasmus, Dutch scholar, In Praise of Folly, 1509

Participants in the Northern Renaissance, such as Erasmus, differed from participants in the Italian Renaissance in which of the following ways?

"The whole tribe [of clergy] is so universally loathed that even a chance meeting is thought to be ill-omened—and yet they are gloriously self-satisfied. In the first place, they believe it is the highest form of piety to be so uneducated that they can't even read. Then when they bray like donkeys in church, repeating by rote the psalms they haven't understood, they imagine they are charming the ears of their heavenly audience with infinite delight. Many of them too make a good living out of their squalor and beggary, bellowing for bread from door to door, and indeed making a nuisance of themselves in every inn, carriage, or boat, to the great loss of all other beggars. This is the way in which these smooth individuals, in all their filth and ignorance, their boorish and shameless behavior, claim to bring back the apostles into our midst! . . .

As if indeed the deadliest enemies of the Church were not these impious pontiffs [popes] who allow Christ to be forgotten through their silence, fetter him with their mercenary laws, misrepresent him with their forced interpretations of his teaching, and slay him with their noxious way of life!"

Desiderius Erasmus, Dutch scholar, In Praise of Folly, 1509

The Italian Renaissance and the Northern Renaissance shared an emphasis on which of the following artistic styles and themes?

"On another occasion I spoke with you about a shorter sea route to the land of spices than that which you take for Guinea [West Africa]. Now your Most Serene King requests of me some statement or sketch that would make the route understandable and comprehensible, even to men of slight education. . . . Accordingly, I am sending His Majesty a chart done with my own hands. In this chart are illustrated your shores and islands from which you should sail ever westward, and after how many miles you should reach the most fertile lands of all spices and gems, and you must not be surprised that I call the regions in which spices are found 'western,' although they are usually called 'eastern.' From the city of Lisbon westward in a straight line to the very noble and splendid city of Quinsay [China], 26 spaces are indicated on the chart, each of which covers 250 miles. . . . So there is not a great space to be traversed over unknown waters. More details should, perhaps, be set forth with greater clarity, but the diligent reader will be able to infer the rest for himself."

Paolo Toscanelli, Florentine astronomer, letter to a Portuguese official, 1474

Which of the following best describes Toscanelli's argument in his letter?

"On another occasion I spoke with you about a shorter sea route to the land of spices than that which you take for Guinea [West Africa]. Now your Most Serene King requests of me some statement or sketch that would make the route understandable and comprehensible, even to men of slight education. . . . Accordingly, I am sending His Majesty a chart done with my own hands. In this chart are illustrated your shores and islands from which you should sail ever westward, and after how many miles you should reach the most fertile lands of all spices and gems, and you must not be surprised that I call the regions in which spices are found 'western,' although they are usually called 'eastern.' From the city of Lisbon westward in a straight line to the very noble and splendid city of Quinsay [China], 26 spaces are indicated on the chart, each of which covers 250 miles. . . . So there is not a great space to be traversed over unknown waters. More details should, perhaps, be set forth with greater clarity, but the diligent reader will be able to infer the rest for himself."

Paolo Toscanelli, Florentine astronomer, letter to a Portuguese official, 1474

Which of the following claims does Toscanelli make about China in the passage?

"Let us consider the history of forage grasses, because these . . . were vital to the spread of European livestock and therefore to Europeans themselves. There are about 10,000 grass species, but a mere 40 account for 99 percent of the sown grass pastures in the world. Few, if any, of the 40 are native to the great grasslands outside the Old World [Europe, Asia, and Africa]. Twenty-four of the forty occur naturally and have apparently grown for a very long time in an area comprising Europe . . . plus North Africa and the Middle East. . . . The Old World quadrupeds [large grazing animals], when transported to America, Australia, and New Zealand, stripped away the local grasses. . . . Old World [forage grasses], particularly those from Europe and nearby parts of Asia and Africa, swept in and occupied the bare ground. They were tolerant of open sunlight, bare soil, and close cropping and of being constantly trod upon, and they possessed a number of means of propagation and spread. . . . When the [imported] livestock returned for a meal the next season, [the grasses were still] there. When the stockman went out in search of his stock, they were there too, and healthy."

Alfred Crosby, historian, Ecological Imperialism: The Biological Expansion of Europe, 1986

Which of the following pieces of evidence does the author use most directly to support his claim about the importance of forage grasses for the spread of European colonization?

"Let us consider the history of forage grasses, because these . . . were vital to the spread of European livestock and therefore to Europeans themselves. There are about 10,000 grass species, but a mere 40 account for 99 percent of the sown grass pastures in the world. Few, if any, of the 40 are native to the great grasslands outside the Old World [Europe, Asia, and Africa]. Twenty-four of the forty occur naturally and have apparently grown for a very long time in an area comprising Europe . . . plus North Africa and the Middle East. . . . The Old World quadrupeds [large grazing animals], when transported to America, Australia, and New Zealand, stripped away the local grasses. . . . Old World [forage grasses], particularly those from Europe and nearby parts of Asia and Africa, swept in and occupied the bare ground. They were tolerant of open sunlight, bare soil, and close cropping and of being constantly trod upon, and they possessed a number of means of propagation and spread. . . . When the [imported] livestock returned for a meal the next season, [the grasses were still] there. When the stockman went out in search of his stock, they were there too, and healthy."

Alfred Crosby, historian, Ecological Imperialism: The Biological Expansion of Europe, 1986

What evidence supplied by Crosby most directly supports the claim that Old World forage grasses were particularly important to livestock used by European colonists?

"The records show that there was competition [in Europe during the 1600s] . . . between alternate products such as east Indian and European textiles; between identical products from different regions enjoying similar climates, e.g., sugar from Java and Bengal, sugar from Madeira and Sao Tome, and Brazilian and West Indian sugar; or between products grown in different climatic regions [such as] Chinese, Persian and Italian silk; Japanese, Hungarian, Swedish and West Indian copper; the spices of Asia, Africa and America; coffee from Mocha [in Arabia], Java and the West Indies: all of these competed.

Study of the volume of trade and the movement of prices at selected locations reveals numerous instances of uniform trends. . . . The best barometer, however, is represented by the prices on the commodity exchange of Amsterdam. The yearly prices of colonial goods in this, the most important market place of northern Europe, mirror global market conditions . . . we see a regular flow of traffic through an immense network of trade routes that were linked together to form a European system of redistribution with Antwerp, Amsterdam, London and Hamburg constituting some of its most important centers."

Kristoff Glamann, historian, "European Trade 1500-1750," in Carlo Cipolla, ed., The Sixteenth and Seventeenth Centuries, 1974

Which of the following best describes the author's main argument in the passage?

"The records show that there was competition [in Europe during the 1600s] . . . between alternate products such as east Indian and European textiles; between identical products from different regions enjoying similar climates, e.g., sugar from Java and Bengal, sugar from Madeira and Sao Tome, and Brazilian and West Indian sugar; or between products grown in different climatic regions [such as] Chinese, Persian and Italian silk; Japanese, Hungarian, Swedish and West Indian copper; the spices of Asia, Africa and America; coffee from Mocha [in Arabia], Java and the West Indies: all of these competed.

Study of the volume of trade and the movement of prices at selected locations reveals numerous instances of uniform trends. . . . The best barometer, however, is represented by the prices on the commodity exchange of Amsterdam. The yearly prices of colonial goods in this, the most important market place of northern Europe, mirror global market conditions . . . we see a regular flow of traffic through an immense network of trade routes that were linked together to form a European system of redistribution with Antwerp, Amsterdam, London and Hamburg constituting some of its most important centers."

Kristoff Glamann, historian, "European Trade 1500-1750," in Carlo Cipolla, ed., The Sixteenth and Seventeenth Centuries, 1974

Which of the following best describes the author's main argument in the passage?

"Thus, the spice trade came to link Lisbon with Asia; sugar connected the Portuguese capital [Lisbon] with America; and the slave trade forged a chain across the southern Atlantic.

From this time on, all struggles for dominance within Europe would take on a global character, as the European states sought to control the oceans and to oust their competitors from points of vantage gained in Asia, America, or Africa. From then on, too, events in one part of the globe would have repercussions in other parts. The several continents would be drawn into one worldwide system of connections. . . .

The Dutch, then fighting their prolonged war against Spain, thus found an excuse and an opportunity to oust the Portuguese from their holdings in Asia and America. The Dutch East India Company was founded in 1602 in order to break the Portuguese monopoly over the spice trade. In 1621, a Dutch West India company was created as well."

Eric Wolf, Europe and the People without History, 1982

Which of the following best describes the author's main argument in the passage?

"Thus, the spice trade came to link Lisbon with Asia; sugar connected the Portuguese capital [Lisbon] with America; and the slave trade forged a chain across the southern Atlantic.

From this time on, all struggles for dominance within Europe would take on a global character, as the European states sought to control the oceans and to oust their competitors from points of vantage gained in Asia, America, or Africa. From then on, too, events in one part of the globe would have repercussions in other parts. The several continents would be drawn into one worldwide system of connections. . . .

The Dutch, then fighting their prolonged war against Spain, thus found an excuse and an opportunity to oust the Portuguese from their holdings in Asia and America. The Dutch East India Company was founded in 1602 in order to break the Portuguese monopoly over the spice trade. In 1621, a Dutch West India company was created as well."

Eric Wolf, Europe and the People without History, 1982

Which of the following pieces of evidence best supports the author's implied claim that the Columbian Exchange fostered global connections?

"These early modern [commercial] 'revolutions' are supposed to have been spearheaded by females, who increasingly purchased clothes and [groceries] in the market, using cash they earned from reallocating time from unpaid household work to market jobs. This might seem perfectly consistent with what we know about the Netherlands and England.

But in most early modern European economies women faced a huge array of institutional constraints on their work and consumption choices. [For example], the southwest German territory of Württemberg differed from the Low Countries and England, but resembled many other parts of continental Europe, in the enduring powers of its guilds, communities, and local religious institutions. Württemberg retained occupational guilds until 1862, not just in traditional handicrafts, but also in export oriented proto-industries, shopkeeping, and merchant trading. Württemberg also had powerful local communities, whose courts, councils, officials, and citizens' assemblies enabled them to monitor and regulate work, leisure, consumption, education, marriage, sexuality, and economic transactions. Württemberg established local church courts in the 1640s which remained active until c. 1890, had the power to impose fines and incarceration as well as religious penances, and closely regulated work, consumption, sociability, sexuality, poor relief, and cultural practices."

Sheilagh Ogilvie, historian, "Consumption, Social Capital, and the 'Industrious Revolution' in Early Modern Germany," The Journal of Economic History, 2010

Which of the following pieces of evidence does Ogilvie NOT use to support her argument about the course of the Commercial Revolution being different in Württemberg than in England and the Netherlands?

"These early modern [commercial] 'revolutions' are supposed to have been spearheaded by females, who increasingly purchased clothes and [groceries] in the market, using cash they earned from reallocating time from unpaid household work to market jobs. This might seem perfectly consistent with what we know about the Netherlands and England.

But in most early modern European economies women faced a huge array of institutional constraints on their work and consumption choices. [For example], the southwest German territory of Württemberg differed from the Low Countries and England, but resembled many other parts of continental Europe, in the enduring powers of its guilds, communities, and local religious institutions. Württemberg retained occupational guilds until 1862, not just in traditional handicrafts, but also in export oriented proto-industries, shopkeeping, and merchant trading. Württemberg also had powerful local communities, whose courts, councils, officials, and citizens' assemblies enabled them to monitor and regulate work, leisure, consumption, education, marriage, sexuality, and economic transactions. Württemberg established local church courts in the 1640s which remained active until c. 1890, had the power to impose fines and incarceration as well as religious penances, and closely regulated work, consumption, sociability, sexuality, poor relief, and cultural practices."

Sheilagh Ogilvie, historian, "Consumption, Social Capital, and the 'Industrious Revolution' in Early Modern Germany," The Journal of Economic History, 2010

Which of the following pieces of evidence mentioned by Ogilvie best supports her claim that Württemberg's institutions prevented women from playing a leading role in the Commercial Revolution there?

"These early modern [commercial] 'revolutions' are supposed to have been spearheaded by females, who increasingly purchased clothes and [groceries] in the market, using cash they earned from reallocating time from unpaid household work to market jobs. This might seem perfectly consistent with what we know about the Netherlands and England.

But in most early modern European economies women faced a huge array of institutional constraints on their work and consumption choices. [For example], the southwest German territory of Württemberg differed from the Low Countries and England, but resembled many other parts of continental Europe, in the enduring powers of its guilds, communities, and local religious institutions. Württemberg retained occupational guilds until 1862, not just in traditional handicrafts, but also in export oriented proto-industries, shopkeeping, and merchant trading. Württemberg also had powerful local communities, whose courts, councils, officials, and citizens' assemblies enabled them to monitor and regulate work, leisure, consumption, education, marriage, sexuality, and economic transactions. Württemberg established local church courts in the 1640s which remained active until c. 1890, had the power to impose fines and incarceration as well as religious penances, and closely regulated work, consumption, sociability, sexuality, poor relief, and cultural practices."

Sheilagh Ogilvie, historian, "Consumption, Social Capital, and the 'Industrious Revolution' in Early Modern Germany," The Journal of Economic History, 2010

Which of the following does the author use to support her argument that the pattern of the Commercial Revolution in England and the Netherlands represented an exceptional case rather than a pattern characteristic of Europe in general?

Which of the following best describes the effect the invention of the printing press had on Europe during the Renaissance?

Which of the following best explains how the printing press contributed to the development of national cultures in Europe?

Which of the following conclusions about the printing press is most directly supported by the passage above?

Which of the following best explains why commercial rivalries among European states?