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journal article SOCIAL CLASS: THE MISSING LINK IN U.S. HEALTH DATAInternational Journal of Health Services Vol. 24, No. 1 (1994) , pp. 25-44 (20 pages) Published By: Sage Publications, Inc. https://www.jstor.org/stable/45130176 Read and download Log in through your school or library Alternate access options For independent researchers Read Online Read 100 articles/month free Subscribe to JPASS Unlimited reading + 10 downloads Purchase article $45.50 - Download now and later Abstract National vital statistics in the United States are unique among those of advanced capitalist countries in reporting data only by race, sex, and age—not by class and income. This article reviews the limited U.S. data resources that may be used to document social class inequalities in health. Summarizing the strengths and weaknesses of the British approach to gathering data on social class and health, the authors discuss possible approaches to collecting data that could be feasible in the U.S. context. They argue that educational level is an insufficient marker for socioeconomic position and contend that appropriate measures must take into account not only individual but also household and neighborhood markers of social class. These additional types of social class data are especially important for accurately describing and understanding social class inequalities in health among women and across diverse racial/ethnic groups. Journal Information The International Journal of Health Services delivers articles on health and social policy, political economy and sociology, history and philosophy, ethics and law in the areas of health and well-being. JOH provides analysis of developments in the health and social sectors of every area of the world, including relevant scholarly articles, position papers, and stimulating debates about the most controversial issues of the day. The journal is of interest to health professionals and social scientists interested in the many different facets of health, quality of life, and wellbeing of populations. Publisher Information Sara Miller McCune founded SAGE Publishing in 1965 to support the dissemination of usable knowledge and educate a global community. SAGE is a leading international provider of innovative, high-quality content publishing more than 900 journals and over 800 new books each year, spanning a wide range of subject areas. A growing selection of library products includes archives, data, case studies and video. SAGE remains majority owned by our founder and after her lifetime will become owned by a charitable trust that secures the company’s continued independence. Principal offices are located in Los Angeles, London, New Delhi, Singapore, Washington DC and Melbourne. www.sagepublishing.com Rights & Usage This item is part of a JSTOR Collection. Abstract Objective. Lay explanations for "wealth" have been neglected in research on beliefs about social stratification. This study compares the nature and determinants of beliefs about the causes of both wealth and poverty, with special focus on race/ethnic differences. Methods. Using survey data collected from Los Angeles County residents in 2000, descriptive and multivariate procedures are used to analyze "individualistic" and "structuralist" beliefs about wealth and poverty. In addition, one "fatalistic" belief, asking about the role of "God's will" in shaping wealth and poverty, is examined. Analyses test (1) whether race/ethnicity and other social and political characteristics variables shape these stratification beliefs, and (2) whether African Americans, Latinos, and whites differ in the determinants of beliefs about wealth and poverty. Results. Respondents favor individualistic over structuralist reasons for wealth, but favor structuralist over individualistic beliefs in explaining poverty. Fatalistic beliefs are least popular. On beliefs about wealth, African Americans, Latinos, and whites show similar levels of support for individualistic explanations; however, the race/ethnic minorities are both more structuralist than whites on this issue. On beliefs about poverty, the race/ethnic minorities are simultaneously more structuralist and more individualistic than are whites. Social-class identification and self-reported conservatism both significantly impact beliefs about wealth and poverty, and do so differently across race/ethnic lines. Conclusions. Findings support the separate treatment and examination of beliefs about wealth and poverty, and reinforce recent calls for greater attention to "nonwhites" in studies of sociopolitical attitudes. Journal Information The Social Science Quarterly was founded as the Southwestern Political Science Quarterly in 1920. It was the first social science journal published in the United States by a regional social science organization. The interdisciplinary character of the journal was made explicit in 1923 when the journal became the Southwestern Political and Social Science Quarterly. Eight years later it was renamed Southwestern Social Science Quarterly. In 1968, as part of the decision to deemphasize the regional nature of the journal and stress its interdisciplinary social scientific aspect, the name of the journal was changed to Social Science Quarterly. Today the journal has international stature both in terms of its authors and its subscribers. The journal publishes research, theoretical essays, position papers, and book reviews by economists, geographers, historians, political scientists, sociologists, and other social scientists, but its preference is for papers which bridge two or more of these disciplines. By the late 1980s circulation for the publication was about 2,700. Publisher Information Wiley is a global provider of content and content-enabled workflow solutions in areas of scientific, technical, medical, and scholarly research; professional development; and education. Our core businesses produce scientific, technical, medical, and scholarly journals, reference works, books, database services, and advertising; professional books, subscription products, certification and training services and online applications; and education content and services including integrated online teaching and learning resources for undergraduate and graduate students and lifelong learners. Founded in 1807, John Wiley & Sons, Inc. has been a valued source of information and understanding for more than 200 years, helping people around the world meet their needs and fulfill their aspirations. Wiley has published the works of more than 450 Nobel laureates in all categories: Literature, Economics, Physiology or Medicine, Physics, Chemistry, and Peace. Wiley has partnerships with many of the world’s leading societies and publishes over 1,500 peer-reviewed journals and 1,500+ new books annually in print and online, as well as databases, major reference works and laboratory protocols in STMS subjects. With a growing open access offering, Wiley is committed to the widest possible dissemination of and access to the content we publish and supports all sustainable models of access. Our online platform, Wiley Online Library (wileyonlinelibrary.com) is one of the world’s most extensive multidisciplinary collections of online resources, covering life, health, social and physical sciences, and humanities. Rights & Usage This item is part of a JSTOR Collection. Which of the following is least likely to live in poverty in the US today?Of the three age groups discussed in this report, aged adults are the least likely to be living below the poverty line. In 2018, they accounted for 16.3% of the total population, compared with 13.5% of the population in poverty. The poverty rate among aged adults was 9.7% in 2018.
What is the most distinguish characteristic of a caste system?What is the most distinguishing characteristic of a caste system? Statuses and occupation are ascribed or assigned at birth and cannot move up if below status for ex. What is an example of vertical mobility?
Which of the following is a component of stratification?Max Weber identified the following three components in class systems of stratification: class, status, and power (1922). Class, as stated above, includes wealth and income. Status is the prestige or honor accorded to one's position and/or to one's name. Power is the ability to exert one's will over others.
Which of the following concepts refers to change in social position during a persons lifetime?Intragenerational mobility A vertical change of social status experienced by an individual within his or her own lifetime.
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Which of the following class levels contains the least amount of racial and ethnic diversity
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